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Thanks to Veniamin Kaverin’s Open Book, most people from the USSR have no doubt: penicillin was invented in the Soviet Union. In reality, however, the life-saving drug reached the USSR from Britain. This happened thanks to the courage of two men: British Nobel laureate Ernst Boris Chain and Soviet chemist Chaim (Vil) Zeifman, who smuggled the precious vial across all borders—in the pocket of his jacket.
The first antibiotic, penicillin, was discovered in 1929 by the famous British scientist Alexander Fleming. Eleven years later, two other British scientists—Howard Florey and Ernst Boris Chain—succeeded in isolating and purifying the compound, and it was promptly put into mass production, first in Britain, then in the United States. This became a major asset for the Allied forces during World War II.
Soviet chemists, who received initial data on penicillin from foreign intelligence services, faced much greater challenges in producing their own antibiotic. In 1942, Soviet researcher Zinaida Ermolyeva—who would later inspire the heroine of The Open Book—succeeded in isolating the Penicillium crustosum strain. But resources for industrial production of penicillin became available only at the end of the war. The lab at the All-Union Institute of Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industry (VNIHFI) was assigned to launch production, and a young and promising chemist, Vil Zeifman, was appointed head of the lab.
Chaim Zeifman was born on May 11, 1911, in the city of Kielce (now Poland), into a religious Jewish family. His father was a tailor, his mother a seamstress. According to Chaim, his parents lived hard-working lives and died “not even knowing how to sign their names.” There were several children in the family, but Chaim was considered the most capable, and great hopes were placed on him.
Fleeing World War I, the family moved to Central Asia in 1914. Chaim started school in Tashkent. By the age of 13, he had to start working to support his family. His working life began under a new name—Vil (an abbreviation of “Vladimir Ilyich Lenin”)—a name given to him by members of the Tashkent Pioneer Organization in honor of the recently deceased leader of the world proletariat. From then until his death, he was officially known as Vil in his work and documents, but remained Chaim to family and friends.
Despite financial hardship, Chaim–Vil managed to finish school and college in Tashkent and continued his education at the renowned D. I. Mendeleev Moscow Institute of Chemical Technology (MKhTI). After graduating from “Tekhnolozhka” in 1936, he began working as a technician at the newly constructed Akrikhin pharmaceutical plant. By 1938, he had become head of the plant’s laboratory and technical department.
In 1941, Zeifman went to the front. He suffered a concussion, earned four military orders and four medals, and met victory in Austria as a major in the Third Ukrainian Front. His appointment as head of the penicillin technology lab at the All-Union Institute of Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industry (VNIHFI) came while he was still in service. Chaim was ordered to return to Moscow and immediately begin his new duties.
Zeifman approached the task with enthusiasm, but after reviewing the available materials, he realized there was little that could actually be put into production. “Dirty, amorphous, in a petri dish—unsuitable for manufacturing,” he said about the Soviet version of the drug, derived from the fungal culture found by Ermolyeva. Indeed, in terms of its properties, Ermolyeva’s yellow penicillin was significantly inferior to the white penicillin developed by Chain and Florey: it caused fevers, had poor shelf life, and was far less effective pharmacologically than its American and British counterparts.
However, by early 1947, Zeifman reported the creation of a pilot-scale plant that produced penicillin using deep fermentation. This was a major breakthrough: the first Soviet penicillin factories in Moscow and Riga were built based on this technology. But the USSR was still nearly a decade behind the West.
To avoid wasting time—and lives—the then-director of the All-Union Penicillin Institute, N. M. Borodin, proposed acquiring an entire penicillin factory from the former Allies. After complex negotiations between the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Medical Industry with Anastas Mikoyan, who was then responsible for foreign trade, it was decided to purchase advanced technology from America. In August 1947, a commission headed by Borodin was sent to the West with that mission. Chaim Zeifman, as the head of the laboratory and the specialist who had already built the USSR’s first experimental plant, was included in the delegation.
In 1947–1948, Borodin’s commission unsuccessfully attempted to purchase a penicillin plant—first in the United States, then in the United Kingdom. By that time, relations between the Soviet Union and the former Allies had completely deteriorated. The U.S. imposed an embargo on the export of penicillin manufacturing equipment to Communist bloc countries. American officials were seriously concerned that the Soviets might repurpose the factory for uranium enrichment, which used similar technology.
That’s when Borodin had the idea to write directly to one of the creators of penicillin, Nobel laureate Boris Chain. While Chain couldn’t sell the USSR a factory, he did hold the patent for the technology.
Professor Chain—full name Boris Chaim—was a Jew, the son of an emigrant from Mogilev. He spoke fluent Russian and had a favorable view of the Soviet Union. Having lost his family in Nazi concentration camps, Chain valued human life more than the wishes of high-ranking officials in the British or American governments. His response came quickly: Chain immediately agreed to transfer his patent on crystalline penicillin to the USSR, along with the data he had on industrial production methods. He also offered to help train personnel in his Oxford laboratory—all for a purely symbolic fee.
On May 20, 1948, Chaim Zeifman, as the only chemical technologist in the Soviet delegation, traveled to Oxford, where Chain’s laboratory was based.
During their work together, a friendship developed between the two Jewish scientists. Before Zeifman returned to Moscow, Chain officially handed him a 100-page manual detailing the equipment and working methods used in penicillin production plants. As a personal “gift,” he also gave Zeifman a vial containing an American fungal strain—from which pure penicillin could be extracted.
The story of the vial’s handoff has been preserved in the Zeifman family. Chain understood that the Soviet Union lacked the necessary penicillin strain, meaning that even with the proper equipment, the chances of producing quality penicillin in Russia were slim. So he ordered a vial of penicillin from the United States “as if for experiments.”
“When the vial arrived,” the family recalls, “he called Vil Iosifovich over, placed a small box in the center of the round table, and said: ‘I saw nothing, I heard nothing.’ Then he turned around and walked into the next room… with a Chaplin-like gait.”
Zeifman smuggled the vial back to Russia illegally, hidden in his jacket pocket. Despite selling the patent, Chain remained untouchable in England—he was a Nobel laureate and an Oxford professor, and England was a free country. However, in 1950, the scientist was denied entry to the U.S.: CIA agents had reported to the American government that powdered penicillin had suddenly appeared in the Soviet Union, and Chain may have been suspected of supplying the strain. But he wasn’t too troubled by it.
For his Soviet friend, however, their contact came at a much higher cost. The trouble began with the defection of the commission’s head, Borodin. On September 7, the day the delegation was supposed to sail from London to Moscow, Borodin failed to show up at the ship and instead requested political asylum in England. From that moment, all responsibility for the delegation’s decisions in England fell squarely on Zeifman’s shoulders.

The Soviet delegation returned to the USSR in September 1948. Until spring 1949, Zeifman worked to launch a pilot plant for the production of crystalline penicillin. In May 1949, Vil Iosifovich was officially commended for his successful work, but just a month later, the HR department received an order: “Relieve him as of 25.06.1949 from his duties as head of the Department of Experimental Technology at VNIIP, as he is failing to provide adequate leadership.” What followed was his arrest—in January 1950. Zeifman was “taken off the train” en route to a business trip and sent to the notorious Lefortovo Prison. Many years later, Chaim Zeifman’s daughter Natalia would write in her memoir: “The country repaid my father with prison, torture, and a premature death.”
Zeifman was charged with treason and “criminal ties to the English.” At the time, the USSR was in the midst of a campaign against cosmopolitanism and “servility to bourgeois science.” There were more than enough reasons to target Zeifman: he was Jewish, a friend of the Englishman Chain, and a former colleague of the traitor Borodin. On top of that, he had refused to be included in the list of Stalin Prize nominees, publicly stating that he could not accept an award for the creation of Soviet penicillin, since it was a British achievement.

The charges against Zeifman were fabricated in his own lab. Colleagues hoping to receive the prize teamed up with officials from the Ministry of Health who didn’t want to pay Chain for the patent. They declared that the materials acquired from Chain were useless—some were supposedly already known in the USSR, and others were deemed unnecessary. “We have nothing to learn from the West!” was their final verdict.
The betrayers got what they wanted—they became recipients of the 1950 Stalin Prize for the production of crystalline penicillin. The achievement was declared purely domestic; nothing was said about its Anglo-American origin. And Zeifman was sent to prison.
Natalia recalled those terrifying times many years later: “That evening, they came to our home with a search warrant; my mother held me on her lap, and I remember her trembling. The next morning, I was sent to school with the words: ‘Papa is innocent. Don’t tell anyone anything.’ But the courtyard was already whispering—the witnesses claimed we had a cannon in the house. Life changed. My mother waited for her own arrest, wondered where to send us children, and I kept looking out the window, hoping to see Papa coming back. The investigation lasted a year and a half: Lubyanka, Lefortovo, Sukhanovo…”
Later, Vil Iosifovich recalled that only his military background helped him endure the inhuman torture.
“Endless night interrogations without the right to sleep during the day yield no results—I won’t sign that I’m a spy, a traitor, a saboteur, etc. They push me to the point of severe heart attacks, but even that doesn’t help them.”
Despite months of suffering, Zeifman not only refused to sign the charges of espionage, but also managed to demand a second expert review of the results of his mission to the U.S. and Britain. A new commission was appointed, composed of prominent scientists and industry specialists, who acknowledged the value of both Chain’s materials and Zeifman’s work in implementing them in production.
In 1951, the charge of treason was dropped. However, the authorities couldn’t simply release the scientist.
“I would have been a living reproach to every surviving slanderer, and to the investigative methods we now call ‘prohibited.’”
Instead, he was accused of possessing a weapon at home and sentenced to five years of exile on the Yenisei River. But for those times, it was considered a stroke of luck.
“The investigator told my mother,” recalled Natalia Zeifman, “that we had won a one-in-a-million chance: a minor criminal charge instead of the original one, which carried the death penalty.”
Another major stroke of luck was Stalin’s death. In 1953, an amnesty was announced, and Zeifman was allowed to return home. On November 28, 1953, the Soviet newspaper Pravda published a statement by the president of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Alexander Nesmeyanov, acknowledging the achievements of Oxford scientists in the discovery of penicillin, which had since been adopted in the Soviet Union.
In April 1957, Vil Zeifman was reinstated at VNIHFI as chief engineer of the experimental plant. Over the following 14 years of his life, Zeifman successfully defended his PhD dissertation and made significant contributions to projects at the Riga Institute of Organic Chemistry and the Institute of Fine Organic Synthesis in Yerevan.
In 1963, during a period of political “thaw,” Zeifman was even allowed to reunite with his old friend Chain, who had come to Moscow on WHO business. They spoke at length in Russian, and it’s likely they discussed future plans. Chain promised to help the Soviet government with equipment and licenses for producing a new generation of antibiotics—on the condition that his Soviet friend would once again be sent to his lab.
But those plans were never realized. After the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, Zeifman was forced to leave the Academy of Chemical Defense, branded a potential “Zionist.”
Chaim–Vil Zeifman died on October 12, 1971, during a work trip to the city of his childhood—Tashkent.

21.09.2020

Chaim Zeifman

1911 – 1971

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