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Author: Kateryna Malakhova

“Here is my Vinnytsia,” says a pleasant elderly woman who greets me – the daughter-in-law of Usher Lerner. “This is the street where I grew up, and around that corner is the institute where I studied.”

A quiet, low-rise street almost in the center of Holon, a small house in a courtyard, pots of petunias, cats. In a tiny office, on a large screen that covers nearly half the wall, there’s the very same archival case that’s open on my laptop.

“And what will you write about my father-in-law?”
“That he was a hero. Just look at all he did for people: he found aid in hard times, and after the war he organized the Jewish community…”
“He was a broken man, life broke him… And what he said during the interrogations, that he organized something – don’t believe that. He said what they wanted to hear.”

The case is titled “Archival Criminal Case No. 27643 against Lerner Usher Mendelevich and others”, dated 1939 – three massive volumes. Records on search, endless interrogations, wooden phrasing. There were at least two such cases in the fate of Usher Lerner, a forgotten hero of the Jewish underground, a Hasidic shochet and cantor from Vinnytsia – in 1939 and 1953. These cases, along with his daughter-in-law’s memories, are the only remaining trace of him.

He was known as “Usher the Shochet from the New Bazaar.” He didn’t do anything particularly extraordinary – slaughtered chickens, collected tzedakah, prayed – and quietly, persistently resisted the NKVD in defense of a disappearing Jewish way of life. He survived two arrests and exile; his voice rang out in the city’s synagogues, welcoming the Jews of Vinnytsia returning home. It’s hard to imagine the true, underground, Hasidic Jewish life of Vinnytsia during the Great Terror – the life of the “Jewish elders” – without him.
***
The story of Usher Lerner is best begun with the Kyiv case mentioned by I. Osipova in her remarkable book “The History of the Hasidic Underground During the Years of the Great Terror.”

On March 10, 1939, seven people were arrested in Kyiv on suspicion of “anti-Soviet agitation” as members of an “anti-Soviet Hasidic group.” Among them were Rabbis David Kaplan and Meir-Wolf Rapoport, as well as the “highly active Hasid” Moishe Kolikov. It is from this case that threads lead to the case of Usher Lerner. Osipova writes:

“One of the most active Kyiv Hasidim, Moishe Kolikov – who had already served twelve months in prison in 1927 – took it upon himself to raise funds for the operation of secret heders and yeshivas in other cities. Seeking material assistance, he reached out to Hasidic communities in Warsaw, Łódź, London, as well as to foreign charitable organizations. In the early 1930s, he succeeded in securing aid for starving Jews in the USSR from the London-based committee “Relfederation”. Under Kolikov’s leadership, a Kyiv branch of the committee was established to support Jews across Ukraine. It was headed by Rabbi Vaishelboim. In 1934 and 1935, Moishe Kolikov visited Uman and Vinnytsia, where synagogues and underground heders were still active… Everywhere he held secret meetings with rabbis, melameds (teachers), and shochets, and after announcing the opening of the Kyiv branch of the London committee, he promised financial aid.”

In 1934, Moishe Kolikov met in Vinnytsia with the local shochet, Usher Lerner. During an interrogation on June 4, 1939, Lerner described the meeting as follows:
“…In 1934, around January, Kolikov came to Vinnytsia from Kyiv on business related to Soyuzutil and happened to stop by my father’s place and meet him. Upon learning that we were experiencing material hardship and lacked food, Kolikov said that he was a member of the Kyiv committee for assisting the ‘poor’ and that he could provide support… Kolikov instructed me to identify schochets in need of assistance at the New Bazaar and compile a list. Kolikov himself visited the city synagogue and there identified about ten people in need. He gave me their addresses and asked me to compile a single list and send it to the committee, to Vaishelbaum – which I later did.”

Moishe Kolikov said the “Relfederation” committee was made up of “rabbis who had left the USSR and united… trying to provide assistance to the clergy in the USSR, knowing their dire circumstances.” Among the rabbis, he mentioned Yosef Yitzchak Schneersohn, who had emigrated to Riga. “Relfederation” appears in several cases from that time and is also mentioned by Osipova; however, the organization has not yet been definitively identified.

“After Kolikov left for Kyiv,” Lerner continues, “some time later, each of the 26 people on the list received half a pood of flour and 2 pounds of sugar. A few months later, aid was again received from the Kyiv committee, but this time not for 26 people – only for 10, and again half a pood of flour each. The flour was sent in parcels to my address, and I distributed it among the shochets.”

Soon even that meager aid – “half a pood of flour and Provencal oil for the Jewish Passover” – came to an end. Kolikov advised Lerner to write directly to the “Relfederation” with a request for help. A letter was sent to London; according to Lerner, Kolikov insisted that he describe in detail both his own dire situation and that of the other shochets, otherwise no aid would be granted. A few months later, $4 was received in Lerner’s name through Torgsin; afterward, he began receiving $4–5 every six months, continuing until 1937.

The amount was not as small as it might seem. Lerner’s “accomplice,” Shmuel Liberson, claimed during interrogation that he received as much as 100 rubles for a single dollar through Torgsin. Still, it’s hard to say what exactly that could buy in Vinnytsia in 1935.

In 1935–1936, Lerner, already acting on his own initiative, reached out to various foreign organizations – apparently mostly Hasidic – requesting financial support for the Vinnytsia religious community. “God forbid you deny anyone,” he wrote, “for they are all great scholars…” Among the recipients, he mentions Gias (meaning HIAS – the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, founded in the U.S. in 1881), Ezras-Toirah in New York (he contacted them through the former rabbi of Medzhybizh, Chaim Byk, whom he may have known personally through his wife’s relatives from Medzhybizh), and several others. Some did not help at all; others periodically sent small amounts.

Lerner’s ties to the already “compromised” Kolikov and his Kyiv committee, his extensive foreign correspondence describing the poverty of shochets and rabbis (which the investigators, of course, classified as slander against Soviet reality), and the organized material aid he arranged for the community became one of the triggers for the case against him.

March 5, 1939, in Vinnytsia – five days before the arrest of the Kyiv group – ten arrest warrants were signed.

The youngest in the group is our protagonist, the Vinnytsia shochet Usher Lerner, 46 years old. The oldest, Shmuel Liberson, gabbai of the Sendagura Synagogue, 74 years old. The others – Yakov Paperny, Yosef Ingerleib, Yosef Slobodyansky, and others – also elderly rabbis, shochets, or cantors.

The “anti-Soviet clerical group” is accused of organizing illegal prayer gatherings, ties with foreign Jewry, and, of course, counterrevolutionary propaganda. The investigator assigns everyone the same three sections of Article 54 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR (Ukrainian analogue of the notorious Article 58): 54-4 (assistance to international bourgeoisie), 54-10 (anti-Soviet propaganda), and 54-11 (participation in a counterrevolutionary organization).

On March 8, searches and arrests took place at five addresses in Vinnytsia. On March 9 – in two houses in Koziatyn. On March 10 – two addresses in Brailiv.

Usher Lerner was accused of organizing an illegal prayer house, “where, under the guise of religious rites, he carried out anti-Soviet nationalist activity,” of ties with the Kyiv committee “Aid to Poor Jews,” as well as “with bourgeois-nationalist organizations abroad.”

From March to June 1939, Lerner endured more than thirty interrogations and confrontations, during which he “confessed to ties with bourgeois-nationalist organizations abroad, which is also evidenced by documents seized during the search at the time of his arrest” (referring to correspondence).

The transcripts of these interrogations are not only a unique testimony to the life of Jewish Vinnytsia in the prewar years but also the story of a remarkable fate.
We present quotes from them, preserving the original spelling wherever possible.

***

Alright, let’s get to know Usher Lerner a bit better.
“Surname – Lerner
Name and patronymic – Usher Mendelevich
Date of birth – 1893
Place of birth – Vinnytsia
Place of residence – Vinnytsia, Korolenko St. No. 19
Profession and specialty: “fighter-pluker”
(arrest questionnaire, March 16, 1939)

The eye stumbles over the odd phrase “fighter-pluker.” Ah, here it is a bit further down: “fighter of birds,” meaning shochet. “Pluker” – while working at Soyuzutil, Lerner evidently not only slaughtered chickens but also plucked them (from “skubaty” in Ukrainian – to pluck).

“I was born in the city of Vinnytsia. My father had a slaughterhouse at the New Bazaar, where he butchered fowl. Our family consisted of five souls – father Mendel, mother Hana, brothers Aba, Gavshy, and me.” (interrogation, March 9)

In one of the interrogations, the name of the grandfather appears – Avrum. The 1895 family register of Vinnytsia Jews remembers this family – grandfather Avrum Leibovich Lerner (born around 1847), his mother Shifra, his wife Rivka (Usher’s grandmother), and their three sons: Mendel, born 1875; Pesach, ten years younger; and Levi, who died as a two-year-old infant in 1876. A note added in 1909 states that the family of their son Mendel Lerner was living with them – his wife Hana, daughter of Chaim-Shlem, 40 years old, and their three sons: Yosef, born in 1898; Aba, born in 1900; and Gavshy (Hoshea), born in 1902.

But where is our protagonist? Joseph born in 1898 instead of Usher born in 1893 – a typical mystery for such documents. Most likely, it was a clerk’s error, mixing up similar names and dates. Or perhaps… there was another brother.

So, Usher Mendelevich Lerner was born in Vinnytsia in 1893 into the family of the shochet Mendel Avrumovich Lerner. The family lived at 9 Nekrasov Street, also in the New Bazaar district. This house appears again in another registry from 1916; later, Usher would mention “my father’s house on Nekrasov Street.”

The New Bazaar was a marketplace in the center of Zamostia, the part of the city separated from downtown Vinnytsia by the Southern Bug River. Urban development in the area began in the 1860s, with the construction of the railway station. The “New Bazaar,” which likely appeared around the same time, was considered “new” in contrast to the old one on Kalicha Square, in the city center. Little is known so far about the Jewish community of Zamostia; the story of the Lerner family sheds some light on it.

Usher Lerner received a “home” education: “I never studied anywhere, my father taught me.” By 1917, the young man was already 24 and had likely managed to receive a solid traditional Jewish education.

As a hereditary shochet, his father taught Usher all the intricacies of the craft. The entire family were shochets: not only his father and his brother Aba, but also his maternal uncles, the Rapoports (one of whom was a shochet all the way in Mexico). Usher’s wife, Reizya Khaskelevna, was originally from Medzhybizh, bore the surname Shoichet, and was the daughter of the local shochet; her brother, Isaac, was a shochet as well.

Usher also, as he put it, “had a voice.” For most of his life, he worked not only as a shochet but also as a cantor.

Until 1929, Usher Lerner, together with his father, ran a slaughterhouse at the New Bazaar – “engaged in the slaughter of fowl.” During that same period, up to 1929, Lerner served as cantor at the New Bazaar Synagogue.

Then, in 1929 or slightly later, Lerner took a job as a shochet (more precisely, a pluker) at Soyuzutil, where he not only slaughtered poultry but also plucked feathers – raw material intended for further processing. This turn of fate wasn’t unique – this all-Union organization, with its broad scope of operations, became a refuge not only for shochets but for many other Jewish “religious functionaries.” Among its employees were Moishe Kolikov and Israel Tarlo, one of the Vinnytsia rabbis; apparently, many Vinnytsia shochets were absorbed into it as well.

In 1935, Lerner recounts, “me and other shochets were hit with large taxes by the finance department. As a religious functionary and homeowner, I was taxed 2,000 rubles.” It seems that Lerner continued working as a cantor after 1929 – possibly at a different synagogue. The Soyuzutil management told Lerner to give up his cantorship – “otherwise you’d be dismissed.” Lerner submitted a declaration to the newspaper Bolshevik Pravda, renouncing his role as cantor. That didn’t save him, however – in other interrogations he says he was fired from Soyuzutil in 1935.

In 1936, his father, Mendel Avrumovich, passed away. A year later, Usher Lerner and his family moved to a new house – at 19 Korolenko Street, right across from the New Bazaar Synagogue, where he used to serve.

This synagogue, by the way, was only recently discovered by local historians. In 2017, the plaster began to peel off the facade of a three-story residential building at 16 Korolenko Street, revealing arched vaults underneath. When exactly it was closed remains unclear; architects believe it was converted into a residential building in the late 1930s.

By 1939, Usher had four children – his eldest daughter Rivka, 16 years old; his son Pinya, 14; Khaim, 12; and the youngest, Moyshe, 8. The children attended a Jewish school, and Lerner was once again working as a shochet – this time for Ukrptitseprom. All of this was interrupted by the first arrest.

***

So what kind of community was Usher Lerner part of – the cantor and shochet from the New Bazaar – the community for whose sake he was arrested for taking part in its life? His case serves as a kind of guidebook to the underground Jewish life of Vinnytsia in the late 1930s.

At the beginning of the 20th century, Vinnytsia had around twenty synagogues, including at least two Hasidic ones – the Skvira and Sadigura synagogues. Starting in the late 1920s, synagogues began to be shut down one after another. By 1931, only two were still functioning. The group arrested in this case was connected to the Sendagura (Sadigura) synagogue, which, according to some sources, was located at 71 Pervomayska Street.

Until 1934, according to case materials, the rabbi of that synagogue was Joseph Shapiro – heir to an entire dynasty of Vinnytsia rabbis (he himself was also the chief rabbi of Vinnytsia, though it’s unclear in which years). Joseph Shapiro appears to have been an active and engaged community leader who tried to preserve traditional Jewish life under conditions of total war against religion.

Shmuel Liberson told investigators about one of Shapiro’s attempts to create an association that would advocate for essential aspects of Jewish religious life – the construction of a mikvah, among other things.

“…Around 1931 or early 1932, on a Saturday after prayers, former Rabbi Joseph Shapiro spoke at a gathering and began saying that we must unite in order to defend religious matters – such as pushing for the opening of kosher shops, building a mikveh, and studying the Talmud. Shapiro pointed out that there are small towns that have mikvehs, but in our city there is no mikveh. There were up to 100 people present at that gathering. Most of those present supported Shapiro and spoke in favor of the need to unite in the struggle for religious issues. I also expressed my agreement and promised to help with money – right then I pledged to give 50 rubles for this cause.” (Interrogation transcript of the accused Shmuel Liberson, July 14, 1939)

Lerner denied being present at that gathering. And yet, according to the interrogation transcripts, lively discussions about the need to build a “mikveh” and other communal matters were sometimes held not only in the synagogue but also in his father’s house.

It is unknown whether this association was ever actually formed or if it all ended with just talk. However, for the investigators, the very idea of such an association aimed at defending religion was crucial – it was this that allowed them to accuse the entire group of “participation in a counterrevolutionary organization.”

The investigator refers to this association by the name “Ahdus.” It’s worth noting that a Jewish political organization with that name and similar goals really did exist – only not in Vinnytsia, but in Kyiv, back in 1918. It was founded by Shlomo Aronson, the chief rabbi of Kyiv from 1906 to 1921. In 1921, he fled to Germany, and from 1923 to 1935, he served as the first Ashkenazi rabbi of Tel Aviv. In 1935, he passed away. Any direct connection between the Kyiv organization “Ahdus” and communal affairs in Vinnytsia is doubtful.

Nevertheless, during a search of one member of the Vinnytsia group, investigators found a copy of the “General Congress Protocol of the Ahdus Organization of All Ukraine in Kyiv,” printed by the Ha-Tchio publishing house in 1918 – neatly stitched into the case file (unless, of course, the secret police planted it themselves). By linking the activities of a Vinnytsia rabbi to a Kyiv Jewish political party from 1918, the investigation charged the entire group with participation in the counterrevolutionary organization “Ahdus”.

Another of Joseph Shapiro’s undertakings was an underground yeshiva at the Sendagura Synagogue – serving 20 to 50 students with daily lectures.

Usher Lerner was a participant in this “Talmud Torah school”:
“…I admit my guilt in that, by my own decision and under the influence of my father, around 1931 I joined the school for the study of the Talmud, organized at the Sendagura Synagogue by former Rabbi SHAPIRO Joseph. Upon receiving assignments, I – like the other Talmudists – studied the Talmud at home, and once a year we gathered at the synagogue (in another place he says, ‘we jointly reviewed the conclusion of the Talmud’). There were about 20 Talmudists in total… Lectures on the Talmud at the Sendagura Synagogue were given by Meilakh Shapiro, Meer Gerber, and Mikhel-the-shoichet, I don’t know his last name.” (Interrogation of June 5)

In 1934, Joseph Shapiro left for Palestine and settled in Haifa, where he “lived well.” He was succeeded by his nephew, Meilakh Shapiro, who was arrested together with Lerner. The gabbai, or head of the community, was Shmuel Liberson – another defendant in the case.

After the rabbi’s departure, the “school for the study of the Talmud” was headed by Meer Gerber. It seems that during this period it moved entirely to a kind of “remote work,” as we would say today:

“…After Shapiro’s departure to Palestine, there were no gatherings, and we studied the Talmud, the instruction was overseen by Meer Gerber, who kept a book of the people who took part in Talmud study. In that same book he wrote down the assignments – who was to study what. Gerber sent the assignments to those Talmudists who studied at home, through Biks Yoyna.” (Usher Lerner at a confrontation, June 14)

Yoyna Bisk (in some documents Biks; the name Yoyna appears in various forms – Eyna, Oyna, etc.), through whom the notes with assignments were passed, was the synagogue watchman. In 1938, when the synagogue was closed, it was at his place that the community gathered:

“The Sendagura Synagogue, where I was head of the community, was closed in January 1938; afterward, until May, we gathered illegally in the watchman’s lodge where Bisk Eyna lived, and then began attending the Hefter Synagogue.” (Shmuel Liberson, interrogation of May 21)
“A group of old men burst in and demanded that I provide my apartment for illegal prayer meetings…” – explained Yoyna Bisk (confrontation between Liberson and Bisk, July 15)

The Hefter Synagogue lasted longer than the Sendagura. It also hosted an underground yeshiva – “every day for one hour,” as Lerner reports.

In addition to synagogues, small prayer groups gathered in private homes – an integral part of the Jewish landscape of Vinnytsia. The case mentions several such groups – “Frankel Naftula, the blacksmith; Burikh, near the New Bazaar; and Eli, a tinsmith who lives near the train station.” It was precisely the participation in an “illegal gathering” that became one of the charges against Usher Lerner:

“The accused LERNER U.M. was one of the organizers of an illegal prayer house in the city of Vinnytsia, at the apartment of PENZE Borukh, where, under the guise of religious rites, he conducted anti-Soviet nationalist activity.”

The prayer group at Borukh Penze’s had been meeting for “the past two or three years,” i.e. from 1937 to 1939. The apartment was located at 5 Timiryazevskaya Street; about ten people gathered there, all neighbors. If there was no minyan – they didn’t pray. “Besides prayer, we sometimes discussed the news, what was happening abroad, etc.” (interrogation of Usher Lerner, June 5). Lerner himself claimed that he was not the organizer of that group, and only “on days of mourning for relatives acted as cantor.” However, it turns out that before 1936 the group met at his father’s house:

“Before my father died in 1936, I lived with him, and in my apartment illegal prayer meetings were held. After 1936, there were no such meetings at my place. …afterward, they started gathering at Penze Borukh’s.” (interrogation, May 26)

***

To the charge of organizing an illegal minyan, another was added:

“LERNER also admitted that he is a Hasid of the tsadik TVERSKOY, residing in the city of Moscow, and named known Hasidim in the city of Vinnytsia – among them Slobodyansky and Liberson, both involved in the present case. The latter hosted gatherings of Hasidim during visits by Tverskoy, the last of which took place in 1937.” (from the indictment)

Behind this charge lies a very particular chapter in the history of prewar Jewish Vinnytsia – its unexpectedly vibrant Hasidic life.

As it turns out, there was a group in Vinnytsia of Hasidim loyal to the tsadik Avraham Yehoshua Heshel Tverskoy of Makhnovka (1897–1995), and Usher Lerner was among them.

The Makhnovka dynasty was a branch of the Skvira Hasidic line of the Chernobyl dynasty. Around 1887, Rabbi Joseph Meir of Makhnovka, grandson of R. Yitzchak of Skvira, moved from Skvira to nearby Makhnovka and established his own court. After his father’s death in 1917 – during the most turbulent time – Avraham Yehoshua Heshel had to take on the leadership of the small dynasty.

The remarkable story of his life is told in the book “Le-Avdekha Be-Emet” (Bnei Brak, 2011): his escape from impending arrest in Moscow in 1932, his life in Cherkizovo working as a self-employed tailor (“works as a craftsman – makes little hats”), evacuation to Tashkent, arrest and exile to Yeniseisk, then back to Moscow, a full campaign in 1963 for the Makhnovka Rebbe’s emigration to Israel – and the revival of Makhnovka Hasidism in Bnei Brak.

Chernobyl Hasidism is known for its dedication to the practice of maggidut – periodic journeys by the tsadik to nearby towns, where he was received with great ceremony by local followers. The first Makhnovka Rebbe traveled actively through Podolia’s towns, which led to the popularity of Makhnovka Hasidism. After his death, his son continued the work. In Vinnytsia, a group of 15–20 Hasidim remained (or formed anew) in exactly this style. It’s likely that the Hasidim of the second Rebbe of Makhnovka also included remnants of the many Skvira followers – and perhaps followers of other Chernobyl dynasties as well.

Here’s Usher Lerner during interrogation on March 28: “I am a ‘Hasid’ of the tsadik Tverskoy. I recognize Tverskoy as a wise religious man. Besides me, the following people in the city of Vinnytsia were Tverskoy’s ‘Hasidim’: Slobodyansky Yosef, Liberson Shmuel, Rayz Shmil, Penz Borukh.”

Shmuel Liberson, in his interrogation on March 2:
“…I am a ‘Husid’ of the tsadik Tverskoy; I recognize him as a very wise religious man and receive advice from him on all matters and follow his instructions. …Altogether in Vinnytsia, Tverskoy has up to 20 ‘Husidim’. Besides Vinnytsia, Tverskoy had ‘Husidim’ in Kazatyn, Samhorodok, Belilovka, Makhnovka, and other towns.”

As befits a tsadik of the Chernobyl dynasty, the Rebbe from Makhnovka would occasionally visit his Hasidim – and continued this practice even during the terrifying years of 1937–1938. He stayed at the home of Shmuel Liberson.

Usher Lerner, interrogation of March 13, 1939:
“Question: You say you’ve known Rabbi Tverskoy since childhood. When and where did you last meet with him?

Answer: The last time I met with Rabbi Tverskoy was in the city of Vinnytsia, when he came in 1936 and conducted prayers in the Skvira Synagogue.”

Shmuel Liberson, interrogation of March 16, 1939:
“Question: When and for what reasons did Tverskoy visit you?
Answer: In 1937, Tverskoy came from Makhnovka to Vinnytsia to see Dr. Fishenzon; he stayed with me for about a day. Because of his religious beliefs, he did not spend the night in the city but in Zamostia, at the New Bazaar…
Question: How did you know about Tverskoy’s arrival, and why did you visit him?
Answer: Tverskoy came with his attending gabbai, Gersh from Makhnovka, who informed us of his arrival. Everyone who visited him was his Hasidim.”

Same person, interrogation of March 27:
“Question: When did you first meet tsadik Tverskoy?
Answer: I met tsadik Tverskoy in 1932. My former neighbor Gutman came to me and invited me to Rayz Shmil’s apartment, where Rabbi Prus Aron was staying, and to whom, as Gutman told me, tsadik Tverskoy had arrived. I went there and met Tverskoy. Besides us, there were about 10 people present. At Prus’s apartment, there were conversations on various religious topics.
Question: What was the purpose of this gathering?
Answer: The gathering was of Tverskoy’s Hasidim for religious purposes – that’s the religious custom.
Question: When else were you at Tverskoy’s or he at yours?
Answer: Tverskoy visited again in 1935, 1936, and 1937.
Question: What was the purpose of his visit to you?
Answer: He came to me in order to visit (orig. otvedat’) his Hasidim, and when he stayed at my place, his Hasidim would come to see him.
Question: Who visited him when he stayed with you?
Answer: When Tverskoy stayed with me, up to 20 people came to visit him…”

The group of Hasidim consisted of approximately 15–20 people. The interrogations mention the names of Shmuel Liberson, Yankel Paperny, Meilakh Shapiro, Usher Lerner – “Usher from the New Bazaar,” Joseph Slobodyansky and his brother Gersh Slobodyansky from Makhnovka (the gabbai of the Makhnovka Rebbe), Meer Zilberman, Avrum Uchitel, Borukh Penz, and several others.

The nature of their activities is illustrated by the following excerpt:
“Question: What anti-Soviet activity was carried out by the Hasidim you listed, including yourself?
Answer: Here’s what I know:
1.Hasid Yankel Paperny gathered Jewish youth and held discussions with them on religious topics. These discussions mainly took place in Paperny’s apartment.
2.Hasid Shmuel Liberson – illegal gatherings were repeatedly held in his apartment, where questions were discussed about how to reclaim the confiscated synagogues. In addition, when visiting Vinnytsia, the “tsadik” Tverskoy would stay in Liberson’s apartment, and Hasidic gatherings were held there.
3.Hasid Avrum Uchitel gave lectures on the Talmud and the Bible at the Hefter Synagogue.
4.Hasid Shmil Rayz – took part in gatherings during the visits of tsadik Tverskoy; what specific work he carried out as a Hasid, I do not know.
5.Hasid Meer Zilberman – also took part in the gatherings during Tverskoy’s visits to Vinnytsia.
…The work carried out by us Hasidim was anti-Soviet in nature, as we tried to instill religious opium not only into believing old people but also attracted youth to belief in “god,” bringing them to synagogues and illegal prayer houses.” (Interrogation of Meilekh Shapiro, April 4, 1939)

Note how neatly the interrogation cliché “anti-Soviet activity” morphs into Hasidic avodah – religious service: “what work he carried out as a Hasid, I do not know”, “the work carried out by us Hasidim was anti-Soviet…”

Until 1938, the practice of hilula (a festive commemoration of a tsadik’s death) in honor of “tsadik Tverskoy” continued in Vinnytsia’s synagogues. Most likely, this referred to the founder of the Chernobyl dynasty, Menachem Nachum of Chernobyl, whose yahrzeit falls on the 11th of Cheshvan. In the interrogations, this is called a “ball in honor of the tsadik’s death”:

Meilekh Shapiro, interrogation of July 11:
“Question: Did you deliver anti-Soviet speeches at the balls organized to mark the anniversary of tsadik Tverskoy’s death?
Answer: Such balls were indeed held in synagogues every year. The last of these balls, in honor of tsadik Tverskoy’s death, was in October 1938. A meal was held, with drinking, and I did indeed give a speech, though it was not anti-Soviet in character – it was only about the significance of the tsadik.”

One Hasidic group was not the end of the story. The “Sadigura” synagogue retained its name for good reason. Even though it had become a haven for the Hasidim of the Rebbe from Makhnovka – followers of the Sadigura Rebbe were also present:
“Question: How did you know about Tverskoy’s arrival, and why did you visit him?
Answer: …all the people who visited him were his Hasidim. No one from the Sendagura Synagogue came, since the Sendagura tsadik is abroad, in Austria.” (Interrogation of Shmuel Liberson, March 16; this refers to Avraham Yaakov Friedman, the third Sadigura Rebbe (1884–1961), who fled to Vienna during World War I and held court there until 1938).

Finally, in the 1930s, Vinnytsia also saw the arrival of a self-proclaimed tsadik – Yankel Hertzovich Paperny. Originally from near Donetsk, a former owner of a music shop, student of one of the Lithuanian yeshivas, itinerant melamed, vagabond, and beggar – he took on the most difficult task, the one the respectable Jewish society of Vinnytsia had failed at: keeping Soviet working-class youth within the fold of traditional Jewish life.

“Paperny, calling himself a ‘holy man’, formed a group of Hasidim, recruiting into this group people from among the youth with anti-Soviet religious leanings…”

Clearly, it was Hasidism in its most radical forms – with eccentricity, drunkenness, miracle-working, and prophecy – that still had something to say to young Jewish people during the darkest of times.

“Interrogation transcript of the accused Meilekh Yosefovich Shapiro, July 11, 1939:
“…At the ‘Sendagura’ synagogue, early in the mornings, the youth would gather around tsadik Yankel Paperny. They gathered so early because most of them worked in factories and offices; no more than 15 people met at Paperny’s. They prayed in winter while it was still dark. On Saturdays, this youth would visit Paperny at his apartment – they gathered there. What they did, I do not know; I personally saw them going to Paperny’s apartment. Besides that, Bisk Oyna told me – he was there himself – that they drank alcohol.”

Naturally, this provoked resentment:
“Testimony of the accused Shmuel Liberson, March 16, 1939:
Question: Tell us, did you know the tsadik Rabbi Paperny?
Answer: Yes, I know Yankel. He came to the synagogue around 1931 to pray. I helped him buy a [tallit?? – unclear], fed him. About two years later, he declared himself a tsadik, went house to house and in some cases said he was a tsadik, close to God, and could help – deceiving people, extracting money under the guise of prophecy. Yankel often sent the collected money by mail to unknown recipients. With him – that is, with Yankel – went and served as his gabbai-servant to a man named Berish, who had come from Poland and later disappeared without a trace.”

It gives the impression that Paperny – out of the entire group of ten – was the only one who truly understood how to behave during an interrogation. Here are a couple of telling exchanges:
“Testimony of the accused Yankel Hertzovich Paperny, March 16, 1939
Question: The investigation has evidence that, presenting yourself as a “holy” tsadik, you conducted anti-Soviet activity under the guise of religious work. Tell us, on whose orders you carried out this anti-Soviet activity.
Answer: (Silent)
Question: Do you understand the question?
Answer: Yes.
Question: Why are you not answering?
Answer: I have nothing to answer.

Question: What were you doing in Mohyliv?
Answer: Begging. In Vinnytsia… we decided to go around asking for alms.

Question: Tell us, are you acquainted with the Makhnovka tsadik? If so, when and under what circumstances did you meet him?
Answer: I’m not acquainted. About four years ago someone came from Makhnovka to the synagogue to pray, I don’t know his patronymic, he’s respected here, his father was an honorable man. I went to escort him; he was staying at the apartment of Shmuel Liberson.
Question: What’s the name of this honorable man, and why is he respected?
Answer: I don’t know his name. He is respected because his father was respected.”

In addition to the Makhnovka Rebbe, Paperny also had ties to the Bratslav Hasidim – he traveled to Uman, and referred to his gabbai Berish as a “Hasid of the Rebbe of Uman.” By June, Yankel Paperny – having “forgotten” Tverskoy’s name – was already educating the investigator on Hasidic history and geography:
“Question: Were you a Hasid of the Chabad tsadik?
Answer: I was not a Hasid of Chabad. That movement was based in Leningrad, and I’ve never been there.
Question: The investigation is aware that you took part in Uman in joint gatherings of Hasidim of the Chabad and Bratslav tsadikim. Do you confirm this?
Answer: No, I do not confirm this. These are two completely opposite movements. I have been to Uman on the Days of Atonement 2–3 times; on those days people come there to the tsadik’s grave from all over the Union and even from abroad.
Question: What happened at these gatherings, and why did you participate in them?
Answer: (Silent)
Question: Why are you not answering?
Answer: Refuse to answer any further questions.

Interrogation concluded at 3:40 p.m.
Refused to sign.” (Interrogation transcript of the accused Yankel Hertzovich Paperny, June 17, 1939)

Unfortunately, after the sentence was issued (the same as for the rest of the group), his trace disappears.


Let us now return to Usher Lerner. The indictment, drawn up on August 7, 1939, was formulated as follows:
“...a/ was a member of an anti-Soviet organization that existed among the clergy and carried out anti-Soviet activity;
b/ maintained ties with ‘Aid to the Poor’ committees operating in England, with the organization ‘Relfederation,’ with ‘Ezras Torah’ in America, and with ‘HIAS’ in Poland, as well as with an illegal committee operating in Kyiv, to which he sent counterrevolutionary slanderous information;
c/ was the organizer of illegal gatherings, where, alongside religious activities, anti-Soviet nationalist work was conducted, and also participated in an illegal school of Talmudists;
d/ as a Hasid of tsadik TVERSKOY, carried out anti-Soviet work on his instructions –
that is, in crimes stipulated by Articles 54-4, 54-10, part 2, and 54-11 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR.
FOUND HIMSELF GUILTY.”

The case was sent for review by the Special Council of the NKVD of the USSR – the infamous “OSO,” an extrajudicial body tasked with punishing “socially dangerous individuals,” empowered to hand down sentences up to and including execution.

In October, the response came:
“…It was decided: Usher Mendelevich Lerner, for membership in an anti-Soviet group and agitation – to be exiled to one of the districts of Kazakhstan for a TERM OF THREE YEARS, counting from March 8, 1939.” (excerpt from Protocol No. 35, October 17, 1939)

The entire group received similarly – and surprisingly – lenient sentences. For “anti-Soviet agitation,” and even within an “organization,” with actual ties to “Western bourgeois-nationalist organizations” – not a “tenner,” not even five years in the camps, but exile to Kazakhstan for three years.

At first glance, this may seem astonishing. But it isn’t, really. Similar sentences for Jewish “clerical groups” can be found in the book by I. Osipova: three years of exile in 1927 were handed down to Joseph Yitzchak Schneersohn, along with a group of his associates (in the case of the “underground Zionist youth organization known as Dror”). On October 20, 1935, nine members of the Hasidic community in Malakhovka were sentenced to three years of exile in Kazakhstan.

It’s possible that the replacement of Yezhov with Beria in 1938 played a role here, as that entire year saw arrests and reviews of cases within the security apparatus. Vinnytsia had its own particular context – following the mass repressions of 1937–1938, known as the “Vinnytsia Tragedy,” internal investigations into “violations of socialist legality” were underway at the Vinnytsia branch of the NKVD in 1939.

In any case – Usher Lerner was extremely fortunate. This marks the first major stroke of luck for Usher Lerner in our story. There will be a second arrest – and a second one as well.

***

Little is known about Lerner’s life in exile. According to his own account (again from an interrogation), he spent about a year in Vinnytsia prison, and then for two years worked as a manual laborer in the village of Uritsk in the Kostanay region. In early 1942, in the midst of the war, he was released from exile – and immediately drafted by the Uritsk district military commissariat into the Labor Army: he guarded the numbered gunpowder factory No. 507, which had been evacuated to Kostanay.

According to his daughter-in-law: “He worked as a guard at some factory, also in Kazakhstan – they even issued him a weapon.”

While Lerner was planting potatoes in Uritsk, Vinnytsia was occupied (on July 19, 1941), and its Jewish population doomed. The confusion in the records makes it impossible to determine even in which mass grave Lerner’s loved ones lie. One list of victims includes Reizya Khaskelevna Lerner, who lived at 19 Korolenko Street – his wife. The date of her death is unknown. Another list mentions Asya Usherovna Lerner, at the same address, marked “killed in 1942.” This refers to the liquidation of the ghetto – the execution of five thousand residents in the Pyatnichany forest. Yet Lerner says nothing to the investigator about a daughter named Asya. Perhaps this was a name used by his daughter Revekka?

At the same address, 19 Korolenko, appear others with the Lerner surname – possibly relatives: Khaya Moshkovna Lerner, Bazya Ayzikovna Lerner (b. 1919), and Zhenya Ayzikovna Lerner (both marked as “daughters of Lerner Kh.”) – all three were killed on September 19, 1941 (the first mass execution of Vinnytsia’s Jews on Rosh Hashanah, around ten thousand people, same Pyatnichany forest).

However, Usher’s two younger sons – fourteen-year-old Chaim and ten-year-old Moishe – do not appear in any register, including Yad Vashem…

The fate of his eldest son Pinye unfolded differently but was also tragic. In 1941, he turned sixteen, joined the Red Army – and died in battle near Zaporizhzhia. In response to Lerner’s inquiry in August 1944, he received this reply: “The body of the deceased Pinchos Usherovich Lerner is buried one hundred meters from the village of Vaynau in the Molochansk district of Zaporizhzhia region – a more detailed response has been sent to your address again…” Today, that village (Blahodatne in the Tokmak district of Zaporizhzhia) is under occupation, and the grave is likely lost.

Thus, in early 1946, Usher Lerner returned to Vinnytsia.

“What happened next?” I ask my interviewee, Usher’s daughter-in-law.

“He returned to Vinnytsia – his family was gone, they had perished. Soon after his return, he found a new wife. They met on a train. She was selling something in the carriage, trying to earn money for food. Some young men – filth – tried to harass her. They took what she was selling, opened the door, and were about to throw her off the train – Usher defended her. Then he brought her home with him.”

Amazingly, Lerner’s house at the New Bazaar – the very same house at 19 Korolenko Street – has survived. Of his relatives, his brother Gavshy (known as Ishika) remained – a respected and successful doctor.

After his arrest, exile, and at the age of fifty-three, having lost his family and community, Usher Lerner started over from scratch in the postwar devastation.

***

He married Klara-Chaya Feingold, the very same girl from the train, who was thirty-two years younger than him. Klara-Chaya was originally from Haysyn. When the war began, she was sixteen, and she spent all her youth in the Haysyn ghetto. She was the only one from her entire family who survived. Speaking Russian poorly and possessing few skills, she tried to earn a living through petty trade when Lerner rescued her from a group of thugs and took her in.

Usher taught his wife and took her once a month to the mikvah in a nearby shtetl outside Vinnytsia. In 1951, they had a son: Mendel Usherovich Lerner (known in everyday life as Mikhail) – the future husband of my interviewee.

Usher Lerner circumcised his son himself. Like many good shochim, he was also a professional mohel.

Lerner once again found work as a shochet: first at the “Ptitseprom” poultry plant, then at the interdistrict “Utilsyryo” office – the same poultry processing facility at the New Bazaar where he had worked before the war. Klara-Chaya helped by plucking chickens.

By 1946, a synagogue had quietly reopened in Zamostia – at 61 Nekrasova Street. “After returning from exile to Vinnytsia, I found out that a Jewish synagogue existed on 61 or 63 Nekrasova Street, which I began to attend,” Lerner later recalled. The rabbi at the time was Avraham Bortnik, also a shochet at the New Bazaar, and later Simkha Kogan. Upon learning that Lerner “had a voice,” the community appointed him as second cantor.

In 1947, Lerner was summoned “by the proper authorities” for a conversation regarding his cantorial role at this synagogue, which was allegedly unregistered. He endured the interrogation and tried to defend himself by claiming that a petition for legalization had already been submitted – but in the summer of 1947, the synagogue was shut down.

Lerner then began attending services at the “city synagogue across from the Polish church,” where in 1948 he again became second cantor and joined the synagogue board.

In early 1949, that synagogue was also shut down, leaving nowhere to pray. In late 1950 or early 1951, Lerner was invited to join an illegal minyan in “Meir’s house on Shmidt Street, probably the third house from the corner of Nekrasova Street” – they needed one more to make ten. Usher Lerner began going there twice a day until his next arrest. Officially, he no longer held the position of cantor, but according to testimonies from attendees, it was he who “conducted the service,” and the prayers would not begin until he started “reading from the siddur.” We know all this from the records of Lerner’s interrogations – of which many more lie ahead.

Interestingly, even local Vinnytsia historians and regional experts know of the synagogue at 61 Nekrasova Street only by hearsay. “They used to say that in the postwar years there was a synagogue in the bazaar area of Zamostia. In the same building as before? Unlikely. So where exactly? And who attended it? Only pensioners? Anyone with a job higher than janitor, cleaning lady, or cobbler risked professional trouble merely by approaching a synagogue, which was constantly monitored by officers of the ‘competent organs’… So what, all those praying on Fridays were just cobblers and cleaning ladies?” wonders Nil Kras, the author of the wonderful memoir My Vinnytsia.

In fact, it was Usher Lerner and his community who attended it. The core group likely consisted of the shochim from the nearby New Bazaar – the rabbi and the cantor. But in addition to them, there were various traders and clerks…

The author is right to assume that all of this activity couldn’t have gone unnoticed by the secret police.

Here’s a 1946 report titled On the agent-operational work of the MGB of the Ukrainian SSR concerning clergymen and sectarians for the month of October:

“The MGB Directorate of Vinnytsia Oblast has taken under surveillance a group of Jewish clericals, including: …Lerner Usher.” Usher Lerner, together with the shochet Khaim Shoikhet and the cantor Leyba Spektor, “distribute anti-Soviet leaflets in the synagogue, written in ancient Hebrew, in which they call for uniting the Jews in order to organize emigration from the USSR to Palestine,” while Rabbi Avraham Bortnik in the same synagogue “repeatedly told the faithful that the current life of the Jewish people is divine punishment for listening to Soviet power and forgetting God.”

Another report, On the agent-operational work of the MGB Directorate of Vinnytsia Oblast with the Jewish nationalist underground, dated 1952, assigns to Lerner the leading role in reviving the Jewish community in Vinnytsia’s Zamostia district: “After serving his sentence …he returned to Vinnytsia, where he resumed his anti-Soviet activity, becoming the head of an illegal gathering of Jewish clericals.”

Reports on operational activities from the SBU archive, recently declassified, lift the veil on the revolting inner workings of the surveillance of the Jewish underground. They are packed with informants sporting ridiculous codenames (“Voltaic Arc,” “Sharp-Eyed,” etc.), clumsy “operations” on trains and in stores, recruitment efforts, kompromat gathering, and agents spying on other agents. And yet it is precisely from these informants – zugtors, as Lerner’s daughter-in-law called them – that we learn anything at all about the beliefs of the Vinnytsia shochet. Whether to believe them is up to you:

“…In 1946, Lerner told agent ‘Fogel’: ‘God helped me escape Soviet hands, so I advise you to believe in God, to avoid falling into those hands. I judge by myself: no matter how much I fought against Soviet power, no matter what I did against it – God saved me.’”

“…As ‘Berezovsky’ reported on March 28, 1951, Lerner conducts anti-Soviet agitation among the Jewish population, claiming that Jews cannot live in the Soviet Union, that they must strive to emigrate to Palestine. To that end, he says, they should support the Zionist organization by any means and help the Zionists living in Chernivtsi, where they are working toward emigration to Palestine.”

“…At one of the clerical gatherings in December, in the presence of agent ‘Svoy’ (‘One of Us’), Lerner said: ‘Our task is to support one another. Let them forbid us to pray, let them oppress us – we will respond by becoming even more united.’”

***

In January 1953, the surveillance of the Jewish circle in Vinnytsia began to take shape as a new case under the ridiculous codename “Cosmopolitans.” The “List of operational files currently under investigation by the Vinnytsia Regional Directorate of the MGB… in the area of combating the Jewish bourgeois-nationalist underground, as of March 10, 1953,” found in case file No. 2220, opens with the following entry:

“Agent file ‘Cosmopolitans,’ concerning 16 individuals. Opened on 28.01.53. Subject of investigation: Lerner Usher Mendelevich, born 1893, resident of Vinnytsia. Brief summary of case materials: The individuals under surveillance in the case ‘Cosmopolitans’ are the leading core of Jewish clericals, who systematically organize illegal gatherings and, under the cover of religious rituals, conduct anti-Soviet nationalist agitation, collect and accumulate funds. … The case is being prepared for operational liquidation in the coming days.
Note: Arrested on 15.03.1953.”

On March 14, 1953, Captain of State Security Nelidov, operative of the 2nd Department of the Vinnytsia Regional MGB, “having reviewed materials on the criminal activity of LERNER Usher Mendelevich, determined that LERNER U.M. is the organizer and leader of an illegal anti-Soviet group of Jewish clericals… Using religious rites as cover, he carries out anti-Soviet work aimed at indoctrinating the Jewish population with nationalist ideas, slanders the policy of the Party and the Soviet State, and spreads anti-Soviet provocative fabrications,” – signed the warrant for search and arrest.

Thus, the protagonist of our story got very lucky once again: Usher Lerner was arrested in the “Cosmopolitans” case on March 15, 1953 – just ten days after Stalin’s death.

Already on March 14 (apparently at night), a search was conducted at the house on Korolenko Street, in the presence of his wife, two-year-old Mendel-Misha, and two witnesses. From the search report, we learn that in addition to documents and a savings book (containing almost 2,500 rubles), the officers confiscated “various correspondence in Hebrew, 135 sheets” and an entire library – 231 books in Hebrew.

His wife, Klara Khaya, was forced to sign a “property custody receipt”: “…I have accepted for safekeeping the house of 2 rooms at 19 Korolenko Street, belonging to my husband, Lerner Usher Mendelevich.” The house was described as: “a wooden daubed structure of two rooms. Built in 1937.”

“Did your husband ever tell you about that arrest, about his childhood?”

“We never talked about it – everyone was afraid… And besides, what was he supposed to tell his young wife? That his mother had been left completely alone with a two-year-old child? That when she had to leave the house, she used to tie him to the leg of the table with a strap so he wouldn’t run out onto the road in front of the house?”

“That’s true…”
The “Arrest Questionnaire” for Usher Lerner includes a few sparse details about his appearance that help us imagine him just a little: he had a large nose, a drooping lower lip, and was missing the big toe on his left foot.

The case – an enormous six-volume file, No. 6482, of the “Cosmopolitans” group (GAViO, Vinnytsia, f.6023, op.4, 1953–1995) – contains interrogation protocols from March 15 to the end of April. As was customary, the interrogations were held at night – mostly from midnight to four or five in the morning. The official records of these five-hour interrogations amounted to only two or three pages of bureaucratic text. It’s not hard to guess what these “conversations” were really like.

Nevertheless, the protocols still reveal something. Now more experienced, Usher Lerner handled the interrogations with more confidence than he had in 1939. He spoke openly about himself, but avoided giving names or unnecessary details (“I know these people, but I don’t remember anyone’s first and last name”). He quickly admitted guilt in engaging in illegal religious activity.

On March 25, Lieutenant Colonel Fedotov, who led the case, formally charged Lerner – under the same Articles 54-10 and 54-11 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR (“anti-Soviet propaganda” and “participation in a counter-revolutionary organization”) – which had once sent the “shochet Usher” to Kazakhstan in 1939. The third charge from back then, Article 54-4 (“aiding international bourgeoisie”), had apparently fallen out of fashion by 1953. Interrogation after interrogation, the investigator kept pressing: “The investigation is aware that you conducted anti-Soviet activities while attending the ‘minyan.’ Provide details to the investigation.” “The investigation demands truthful testimony about your practical hostile activities.” And just as persistently, time after time, Lerner responded: “I did not engage in any anti-Soviet activity and have nothing to disclose.” “I deny any participation in a nationalist organization or anti-Soviet activities.” He spoke in detail about the minyans, his work on the synagogue’s governing council, and reading prayers – including the phrase “Next year in Jerusalem,” which especially infuriated the investigator – but he consistently rejected the notion that any of this was anti-Soviet.

And in the end, he won.

On May 7, 1953, the charge against Lerner under Article 54 was dropped. “During the investigation, no confirmation was found of Lerner’s anti-Soviet nationalist activity.” The charge was reclassified under Article 56-21 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR: propaganda or agitation aimed at inciting national or religious hatred, as well as the distribution, production, and possession of literature of that nature – punishable by up to two years of imprisonment.

And on the same day: “…considering that the elements of the crime under Article 56-21 Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR carry a punishment of no more than two years and fall under the jurisdiction of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR dated March 27, 1953 ‘on amnesty’… the criminal case against Lerner Usher Mendelevich is to be closed, and the arrested is to be released from custody immediately.”

The death of Stalin and the March amnesty undoubtedly played a decisive role in this outcome. But also crucial was the persistence of the “butcher-fighter,” which pushed the investigator, amid the confusion of those months, to drop the “political” charge under Article 54 and replace it with the more benign “incitement of interethnic hostility” – an offense that was immediately subject to amnesty.

On May 8, 1953, Usher Lerner returned home.

“And what did his wife, Klara Khaya, say?”

“She suffered so much with him, went through so much. What did she say? How they took him away, how they brought him back. They returned him beaten, sick – he couldn’t walk. She looked after him until his death. She would carry him out into the yard in her arms, to the bench, so he could get some air. Later, my baby carriage with my son stood there too. The neighbors were afraid of him, the boys…”

“Why were they afraid?”

“He was sick, frightening, thin…”

The story of Usher Lerner’s Jewish library also continues.

On the inventory list from the March 14 search, there’s a handwritten note: “Passport, military ID, various correspondence, professional card, certificates, savings books, photographs – received in full. 8.05.53 Lerner.” But what happened to the “231 books in Hebrew”?

During the March 17 interrogation, Usher Lerner shared the history of this library:
“Question: Where did you acquire the religious literature that was confiscated in large quantities during your arrest on March 15, 1953?
Answer: When I returned to Vinnytsia in early 1946, I discovered religious books in the attic of my father’s house on Nekrasova Street, as well as in my own apartment. In addition, I took some books from the synagogue that had been located at 63 Nekrasova Street.”

Other interrogation records show that Lerner also bought books from acquaintances, often going into debt to do so.

More than twenty years later, around 1975, the young wife of engineer Mendel Lerner moved into her husband’s house – the same one at 19 Korolenko Street.

“When Misha and I moved into his house on Korolenko Street, we were tidying everything up… There were a lot of us, all young, laughing and joking. I went up to the attic – and saw some boxes there. I opened one – inside were books in Hebrew, dishes, scrolls. I didn’t even understand what they were. We picked up the scrolls – they turned to dust in our hands, crumbled. I asked my husband, and he said, ‘It belonged to my father…’” That’s how she learned about the fate of her father-in-law.

Mendel Usherovich and his wife emigrated to Israel in 1990. They took some of those books with them, sacrificing luggage space for more necessary items by packing them inside pillows. I didn’t get to see them – after the move, they were once again stored in boxes on a high shelf, and now the widow of Mendel Lerner is waiting for her son, an IDF officer, and her three wonderful grandchildren – also currently serving – to come and take them down.

Usher Lerner dreamed of the Holy Land, but it was only his son who got to see it. And now, his grandson and three great-grandchildren are defending the very land their great-grandfather once dreamed of.

Usher Lerner died in Vinnytsia, in his wife’s arms, in February 1961.
He was officially rehabilitated in 1995.

01.06.2025




Illustrations:

Photos of Usher Lerner, his family and his collection of things (documents, shofar, books) - from the family archive (kindly provided by Lerner's relative).

Photo of the New Market Synagogue - from the archive of Evgeny Sovinsky (published with the author's permission)

Photo of the plan and drawing of the New Market Synagogue - DAVI F. 698 Op. 1. D. 18b (1928), photo from the archive of Alena Subin-Kozhevnikova (published with the author's permission).

Photo postcard with a view of the New Bazaar - Palamarchuk G. "Trade near Vinnytsia at the end of the 19th century - at the beginning of the 20th century" https://vseosvita.ua/library/embed/01002pmd-2e1f.docx.html (accessed 07/08/2025)

Photo of a modern view of Korolenko Street in Vinnitsa - Google Street View



Bibliography and Sources:

HAViO, Vinnytsia, fund R-6023, inventory 4, file 27643. Archival-criminal case No. 27643 against Lerner Usher Mendelevich and others. Vols. 1–3. 10.03.1939–10.11.1995.

HAViO, Vinnytsia, fund R-6023, inventory 4, file 06482. Archival-investigation case of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Vinnytsia region against Shoifet Kh.L., Spektor M.L., Spivak Ya.G., and others (a total of 16 persons) under Article 56-2, Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR. Vols. 1–6, 1953–1958.

OGA SBU, Kyiv, fund 2, No. 2220. Surveillance case of the Ministry of State Security of Vinnytsia region. 06.06.1948–08.05.1953.

OGA SBU, Kyiv, fund 16, file 0573. Copies of special reports and memoranda. 13.11–03.12.1946.

DAKhmO, fund 230, inventory 1, file 605. Sheet 468.

DAKhmO, fund 29, inventory 1, file 81. Sheet 29.

Conquest, R. The Great Terror. In two volumes. – Riga: Rakstnieks, 1991.

Osipova, I.I. The History of the Hasidic Underground during the Years of Bolshevik Terror. – Moscow: “Formika-S”, 2002.

Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR. Official text with amendments and additions as of November 1, 1949. – Kyiv: State Publishing House of Political Literature of the Ukrainian SSR, 1950. – 172 pages.

שיינר, יצחק. ספר לעבדך באמת: צוהר על מסכת חיים….רבי אברהם טווערסקי ממכנובקא. בני ברק
2011 -555 ע

שגיב, גדי. בית צרנוביך ומקומו בתולדות החסידות. ירושלים, מרכז זלמן שזר, 2014. – 472 ע.

Russian Jewish Encyclopedia. Vinnytsia. https://rujen.ru/index.php/%D0%92%D0%98%D0%9D%D0%9D%D0%98%D0%A6%D0%90 (accessed 03.06.2025)

Niel Kras, My Vinnytsia https://proza.ru/2009/08/14/42 (accessed 03.06.2025)

Electronic Memory Book of Jews born in Vinnytsia Region who perished or went missing during WWII http://www.pluto.hop.ru/holocaust/vingertv6.html (accessed 03.06.2025)

Yad Vashem. List of Jews from Vinnytsia who were murdered during the Holocaust, from a memorial book (1998) https://collections.yadvashem.org/en/documents/11439232 (accessed 03.06.2025)

Hadashot. “In Vinnytsia, peeling plaster exposed a synagogue.” December 25, 2017. https://hadashot.kiev.ua/uk/node/981 (accessed 03.06.2025)

Usher Lerner

1893 – 1961

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